With Doklam, Modi has exorcised the ghost of 1962

Leaders since Nehru were in awe of China, but PM has set the balance of equations right

ajay

Ajay Singh | August 29, 2017 | New Delhi


#foreign policy   #diplomacy   #Xi Jinping   #Doklam   #China   #Narendra Modi   #Jawaharlal Nehru  
PM Narendra Modi with Chinese president Xi Jinping and China`s First Lady Peng Liyuan at the Sabarmati Waterfront, in Ahmedabad, on September 17, 2014.
PM Narendra Modi with Chinese president Xi Jinping and China`s First Lady Peng Liyuan at the Sabarmati Waterfront, in Ahmedabad, on September 17, 2014.

After the 1962 India-China war, Walter Crocker, then Australia’s high commissioner to India, described prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s position by quoting from Victorian poet Robert Browning:
 
I am an old and solitary man,
Mine eyes feel dimly out the setting sun
Which drops its great fruit of bitterness
Today as other days as every day
Within the patient waters. What do I say?

 
Crocker’s biographical account of Nehru is one of the most outstanding studies of the personality of India’s first prime minister. And he recounts in his book: “After the Chinese invasion, he never walked firmly again.” He highlights Nehru’s tragedy by pointing out, “The Chinese invasion had undermined his confidence in men, in Indian men as well as Chinese men: it had repeated the outrage on his sense of reason, but it had done more: it had betrayed a trust; a trust given so generously, and for great ends.”
 
This historical context is quite pertinent in view of the resolution of the Doklam stand-off between India and China. As diplomats from the two sides finalised the wording of the draft for resolution of the crisis on early Monday morning, it became evident that India had effectively exorcised the ghost of 1962 and paved the way for redefining the power balance in Asia.
 
Obviously, it would be rather naïve to see the resolution of the Doklam crisis in a binary of victory/defeat. It is neither. But there is hardly any doubt that India can now go to any extent to protect its national interest. And prime minister Narendra Modi is not hesitant to take risks and make audacious moves if required to protect the country’s interests.
 
Contrast this situation with the past, when the Indo-Tibetan border police (ITBP) deployed along the border with China, had been raising red flags over infrastructure building by China on the other side of fence. Till 2000, the ITBP did not have any connectivity with the border beyond Mana. Satellite phones were procured for patrolling parties to keep them in contact with the headquarters in the event of any emergency. There were various instances when the ITBP and the army tried to bring to light this glaring imbalance between China’s army and Indian forces but could not succeed in persuading those sitting in North and South Blocks to lend an ear and correct the situation. There was an unstated fear of China among the political class and bureaucracy. And the successive governments, including that of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, adopted the ostrich approach when it came to China. Apparently, the Indian political class could never get rid of the historical baggage in relationship with China.
 
But the manner in which Modi has dealt with China right from the beginning has defied the conventional mode of diplomacy. At the diplomatic level, he was cautioned by experts in the foreign affairs to be wary of China’s intentions. He was advised to treat China with certain amount of caution. Modi not only defied these pearls of wisdom but crafted his own strategy in dealing with the Red Dragon. He hosted Chinese president Xi Jinping in Ahmedabad instead of Delhi and displayed his bonhomie with the guest publicly even though Xi’s visit coincided with a Chinese incursion in Ladakh and the subsequent stand-off.

Even as Modi shared with Xi and his wife Peng Liyuan lighter moments on the banks of the Sabarmati, the home ministry went into a tizzy over the Chinese incursion. Insiders say that Modi remained unfazed with the development but tactically raised the issue of persistent Chinese incursion in a subtle manner. Those dealing with the issue say that Modi asked Xi why high-profile visits of Chinese or Indian dignitaries always coincided with Chinese incursions. Xi is learnt to have taken note of it and the stand-off was resolved after he returned to Beijing.
 
However, Modi had soon realised that the apparent bonhomie between the heads of the states was hardly an insurance to protect the national interests. This became evident from the manner in which China blocked India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) and resisted the move to declare Pakistan-based jihadists as global terrorists. Even as China’s hectoring on the border and South China Sea continued, it was taken off guard by India’s snub to its ambitious One Belt One Road (OBOR) plan. The Chinese embassy in Delhi had almost convinced their bosses in Beijing that India would participate in the OBOR meet. India’s challenge to the project on the ground that it infringes on the country’s sovereignty found resonance in the international community.
 
For the Chinese foreign ministry, its assessment of India went totally awry. The Doklam stand-off only heightened their predicament and provoked them to resort to hectoring and using aggressive rhetoric in the hope that India would back off. Though maintaining a mature but firm posture and ignoring rhetoric emanating from the Chinese embassy and from Beijing, India conveyed in no uncertain terms that it would go to any length to protect its national interests. China realised the futility of reviving the ghost of 1962. Defence minister Arun Jaitley was quite prescient when he casually mentioned India of 2017 is different from India of 1962.

Now, when Modi goes to the BRICS summit early next month, he would be walking firm.

Comments

 

Other News

NIEPID, Jai Vakeel Foundation sign MOU to scale quality education for Children with Intellectual Disability

To address the need for a uniform curriculum for children with Intellectual Disability in India an MOU was signed between the National Institute for Empowerment of Persons with Intellectual Disabilities  (NIEPID) and Jai Vakeel Foundation(JVF) in the presence of Rajesh Aggarwal, secretary, department

Why Right to Peace matters

The world has become less peaceful over the past few years, chiefly because of external armed conflicts. While the world leaders claim to value peace and the respect for human rights and commit to restore peace when it is breached, the global peacefulness remains defined by conflicts, deaths, and the large

Rise in gold prices: Boon or bane for the Indian family?

In India, gold is not just a commodity; it is tradition, sentiment, security and status rolled into one. It sparkles in wedding ceremonies, rests silently in lockers and forms the bedrock of generational wealth for millions. It is no exaggeration to say that Indians do not merely buy gold – they pres

Beyond participation: Why Indian women need economic justice

India pronounced its commitment to gender equality, decent work and inclusive participation in economic, political and social spheres for women. While the rhetoric of progress fills the air, the lived reality for millions of women in India paints a starkly different picture. Despite carrying a heavy worklo

NSE ranks 4th globally in IPO fundraising

The National Stock Exchange of India (NSE) has emerged as the fourth largest exchange in the world in terms of IPO fundraising during the first half of calendar year 2025 (H1CY25), according to data from S&P Global Market Intelligence. Between January and June 2025, the NSE raised $5.51

On World Youth Skills Day, let’s ask: What will it take to retain Gen Z?

On World Youth Skills Day, observed every year on July 15, we’re reminded that the future of any economy depends on how well it invests in its youth. In India, where over half the population is under 30, the question of youth skills is not just about employment, it’s about meaning, wellbeing, a

Visionary Talk: Amitabh Gupta, Pune Police Commissioner with Kailashnath Adhikari, MD, Governance Now





Archives

Current Issue

Opinion

Facebook Twitter Google Plus Linkedin Subscribe Newsletter

Twitter