The India we live in, the India it is

The nation we live in is full of contradictions, grand in vision but often small in compassion. Yet the nation it can be is still within reach.

vaishnavi

Vaishnavi Sharma | December 1, 2025


#Inequality   #Economy   #Politics   #Society   #India  
(Photo: Governance Now)
(Photo: Governance Now)

We proudly describe our nation as a land of Unity in Diversity. We have long celebrated our civilization based on plurality, where differences have been seen, not as threats but as expressions of a greater unity. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, we rejoice our innumerable languages, castes, creeds, and cultures. What unites us, we believe, is the feeling of belonging to this land we call ours. But in today’s India, one cannot help but wonder: how true is this unity we keep talking about?

A Nation Divided by Lines We Pretend Not to See
For a country that is already divided into so many categories based on religion, caste and creed, it is unsettling to see how easily these divisions still dictate our attitudes, opportunities and everyday interactions. It is ironic how much time and energy we spend fighting each other on these grounds.

The Hindu general category often looks down upon those from reserved categories, believing they have taken away “their” jobs and opportunities. And then, collectively, many hold preconceived notions about Muslims, often viewing them with hesitation or quiet suspicion.

We have all seen this around us. Sometimes subtle, sometimes cruel, but always present.

If India is our home, then it is their home too. Who are we to decide who belongs more or less?

Somewhere along the way, Hindustan began to be misunderstood as the land of Hindus alone. But historically, anyone who lived on this land, irrespective of faith, was Hindustani. I often wonder how and when India, Hindustan, or Bharat became synonymous with one religion. This is certainly not the India that those who bled, marched, and suffered for our freedom envisioned.

It also reminds me of Wordsworth’s haunting reflection: “What man has made of man!” A simple yet heartbreaking reminder that the divisions we suffer today are not nature’s doing but our own. We were not born hating each other; we created these walls ourselves and continue to strengthen them every day.

The Data That Reveals Our Uncomfortable Truths
It is not just feelings or anecdotes that point to inequality; the data backs it sharply.

The NITI Aayog’s Multidimensional Poverty Index (2023) notes that India reduced overall MPI poverty from 29% in 2013–14 to about 11% in 2022–23. A huge achievement. But when the same data is broken down by caste, the picture becomes painfully familiar. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes continue to show significantly higher poverty levels than the national average.

Consumption data reveals even more striking story. As reported by the NSS surveys, SC households, who form roughly one-fifth of India, account for only around 16% of total consumption. ST households form nearly 9% of the population but contribute only about 7% of consumption. Meanwhile, the general category commands nearly 36% of national consumption despite being far fewer in number. Research published with the support of the World Inequality Lab also points out that wealth (land, assets, financial capital) remains concentrated disproportionately among upper-caste groups.

But inequality in India is not limited to caste alone. When we look closely at the socio-economic position of Muslims, the country’s largest religious minority, the disparities become just as stark. The latest NSS Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (2022–23) shows that Muslim households report one of the lowest average monthly per capita expenditures among all major religious groups. Their consumption levels remain below those of Hindus, Sikhs and Christians, placing them much closer to SCs and STs in economic standing rather than to the Hindu general category. 

Labour force data tells a similar story. The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS datasets) consistently finds that Muslims have the lowest worker-population ratio among major communities, with a large share engaged in self-employment that is often precarious and poorly paid. If we look at the numbers, the labour force participation rates of Muslims have been consistently lower and haven’t been able to touch the 40 percent mark yet (it was 38.2 percent in 2023-24, 32.5 in 2022-23 and 35.1 in 2021-22). This is much lower than their other religious counterparts. 

Even nearly two decades after it was published, the findings of the Sachar Committee (2006) continue to echo in present-day data: Muslims still lag in educational attainment, their presence in formal, salaried jobs remains disproportionately low, and their representation in government employment is far below their share in the population. Evidence from the India Human Development Survey further indicates that Muslim households hold significantly less wealth, whether in land, real estate, or financial assets, compared to most other communities. Taken together, the numbers draw an uncomfortable but unavoidable conclusion: exclusion in India is layered not just by caste, but by religion as well, and Muslims remain among the most economically and socially vulnerable groups in the country.

So when someone claims that “everyone has equal opportunities,” the numbers quietly prove otherwise.

The Weight of Identity That Many Carry
Sometimes I genuinely wonder: how insecure must a young Indian Muslim feel today?

To be born in a country and yet constantly have to prove loyalty to it, simply because of a religion one did not choose. Then there are those born in lower caste categories, their loyalty isn’t questioned, perhaps, but their very presence, often is. After all, can anyone choose their mother’s womb!

I recently saw this movie “Homebound” that sparked this reflection and portrays it beautifully but painfully. Several scenes have stayed with me long after the credits rolled. One moment shows the protagonist being pushed to reveal his caste under the guise of stating his “full name.” He lies, choosing a general category surname to avoid the shame society attaches to SC or ST identities. In another scene, while filling out a college admission form, he selects “general category” instead of availing the reservation he is entitled to, only to escape the stigma that could follow him throughout his education.

Then comes the scene during the initial lockdown of COVID-19. The Muslim friend, simply trying to get home, is beaten by the police out of suspicion, and his Hindu friend lies about his own name, giving a Muslim name so he can share the beating. It is a heartbreaking moment that says more about India today than any speech or slogan. Another scene shows the Muslim character quitting his well-paying sales job because of constant scrutiny, snide remarks, and cheap sarcasm aimed at him simply for being Muslim.

It instantly reminded me of Chak De! India, where the protagonist played by Shah Rukh Khan had to prove his loyalty to the country because he was Muslim. Would he have had to do this if he had belonged to another religion?

It is a question India must ask itself.And then we must pause, and truly think about what we have made of ourselves.

Why Can’t We Rise Above Religion, Language, Caste and Creed?

We call India a land of diversity, yet we repeatedly fail to rise above the very divisions we inherited. We call ourselves modern, educated, global, but our basic numbers tell another story. Overall literacy in India is still only around three quarters of the population, and even today millions of adults cannot read or write with confidence. Female literacy has only just crossed about 70%, still lagging well behind men and reminding us how many girls are pulled out of school too early or never given a fair chance to learn. When we look at higher education, the picture becomes sharper: enrolment has grown, but access to good colleges and universities is still heavily skewed by gender, caste, income and location, with students from poorer and marginalised communities far less likely to reach or complete quality higher studies.

At the same time, India’s per capita income is still only around ₹1.8-2 lakh a year, and a small share of people continue to hold a very large portion of the country’s income and wealth, keeping us among the more unequal large economies. In a country where so many are still struggling for a basic education, a stable job and some economic security, pouring our energy into hating or distrusting each other over caste, religion or language is not just unkind; it is a tragic waste.

We cannot build a truly strong and equal India while carrying such insecurities within us. A nation that aspires to be a global leader cannot afford a society that questions its own children on the basis of their identities instead of asking whether they have books to read, teachers to guide them and opportunities to grow. The India we live in is full of contradictions, grand in vision but often small in compassion. 

Yet the India it can be is still within reach.

The first step is simple: Acknowledge what we have become, and then decide what we want to become. The Constitution promised equality. Our freedom fighters dreamed of harmony. Our diversity is our strength, not a burden. But unless we confront the divisions that are growing around us, and within us, we risk losing the essence of who we are. It is time we stop asking who belongs here more, because India is as much theirs as it is ours. And until we truly understand that, unity will remain only a slogan, not a reality.

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