Power Pivots: Politics of Haryana in the 21st Century 
By Arjun Singh Kadian
Rupa Publications, 192 pages, Rs 295

Haryana, a key state in India’s political heartland, has undergone profound shifts in the twenty-first century. From its rural roots to its evolving role as an industrial powerhouse, Haryana’s political landscape has been shaped by dynamic leaders, electoral upheavals and complex socioeconomic changes. ‘Power Pivots: Politics of Haryana in the 21st Century’ by Arjun Singh Kadian delves into the key events, personalities and forces that have defined the state’s politics in the modern era, exploring how regional developments mirror the national scene.

Through a detailed analysis of elections, policies and power struggles, Kadian – who has initiated the Haryana Thinkers Forum – offers readers an insightful look into the challenges and triumphs of governance in one of the most politically significant states. Whether you are a student of politics or simply curious about Haryana’s influence on India’s broader narrative, this book provides a comprehensive and compelling account of the state’s journey through the first decades of the new millennium.

Here is an excerpt from the book: 

Sangh, BJP and the Haryanvi

To appreciate the growth of the BJP in Haryana over the past decades despite the strong presence of the Congress and the regional parties, one must first understand the role of the RSS in the historical sense.

The RSS was founded in 1925 by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar with the goal of promoting Hindu unity and discipline while eliminating caste divisions. Hedgewar, a trained doctor, said,

The Hindu culture is the life-breath of Hindusthan. It is therefore clear that if Hindusthan is to be protected, we should first nourish the Hindu culture. If the Hindu culture perishes in Hindusthan itself, and if the Hindu society ceases to exist, it will hardly be appropriate to refer to the mere geographical entity that remains as Hindusthan. Mere geographical lumps do not make a nation. The entire society should be in such a vigilant and organized condition that no one would dare to cast an evil eye on any of our points of honour.

Strength, it should be remembered, comes only through organization. It is, therefore, the duty of every Hindu to do his best to consolidate the Hindu society. The Sangh is just carrying out this supreme task. The present fate of the country cannot be changed unless lakhs of young men dedicate their entire lifetime for that cause. To mould the minds of our youth towards that end is the supreme aim of the Sangh.

Following India’s partition and the subsequent ban on the RSS after Gandhi’s assassination, the organization faced significant setbacks. Many of its members were arrested and its funds were confiscated, disrupting educational initiatives.

The political support for the RSS dwindled, especially as the Congress party dominated the political landscape and viewed the RSS unfavourably. During this period, some thought that a new political party was needed to assert the Hindu perspective more forcefully.

In 1951, Syama Prasad Mukherjee, dissatisfied with the treatment of Hindus in East Pakistan, proposed forming a new political party with RSS support. Mukherjee, familiar with the RSS’s ideology, engaged in discussions with M.S. Golwalkar, who succeeded Hedgewar as RSS chief. Golwalkar agreed that a new party could advance Hindutva ideology, leading to the creation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) later that year. The BJS was launched with substantial backing from the RSS and aimed to fill a political vacuum by promoting Hindu cultural values.

The BJS was officially launched on 21 October 1951, with Mukherjee as its first president. The party’s goals included upholding Hindu culture and traditions and advocating for a unified nation. Notably, the BJS fielded candidates in the 1952 general elections, contesting multiple seats despite being newly established.

STRENGTH FROM REFUGEES
The Partition was a catastrophe of unimaginable proportions. Thousands were killed in communal violence, and countless women were abducted. People left behind homes, property and generations of memories, seeking refuge in newly formed India. In the chaos, the RSS played a crucial role in supporting the displaced, particularly in the regions that saw the largest influx of refugees, such as modern-day Haryana. The organization’s volunteers worked tirelessly to provide aid and build trust among the refugees, cementing a deep connection that would prove crucial to both the RSS and the BJS’s growth in the region.

One striking example of the humanitarian response during this period was the refugee camp at Kurukshetra. Initially planned to house 100,000 refugees, the camp eventually sheltered about three times that number, becoming the largest of over 200 camps set up to accommodate the flood of displaced people from West Punjab. An American observer noted that ‘the army did miracles to have the tents rising ahead of the last refugees,’ highlighting the scale and urgency of the effort.

Kurukshetra alone housed 275,000 refugees, with other camps spread across towns like Ambala, Karnal and Panipat, bringing the total number of refugees in the region to 720,000 by November 1947.

These camps became more than temporary shelters—they evolved into permanent migrant settlements in coming years. As RSS workers and Jana Sangh members supported refugees in rebuilding their lives, more shakhas (branches) of the RSS sprang up. These efforts weren’t confined to immediate relief, and over time, volunteers began to take up local causes, strengthening the organization’s ties with the communities and laying the groundwork for the Jana Sangh’s political presence in the region.

The BJS emerged as a political platform that articulated the concerns of Hindu migrants from West Punjab, positioning itself as the political counterpart to the RSS’s social work. Historian Surinder Singh highlights how the party ‘organized conferences and public meetings to help them’ and demanded that the government ‘allot land, houses and give interest-free loans’ to refugees. The BJS set up relief camps in cities like Jalandhar and Ludhiana, using funds raised by its workers to provide essential services. Its efforts extended to advocacy, with workers staging demonstrations to pressure the central government into addressing the plight of the displaced.

As a result of these tireless efforts, the refugees became an essential support base for the Jana Sangh. The foundation for this connection had been laid much earlier, in pre-Partition Punjab, where the RSS had already established a strong presence. Many elders recall how RSS shakhas would be held regularly and how the Sangh’s prayers such as Namaste Sada Vatsale Matribhume—written in 1940 under the guidance of Hedgewar and Golwalkar—were a familiar part of daily life. The seeds of the RSS’s influence were planted well before Partition, but the trauma of displacement allowed the organization and the Jana Sangh to grow roots in a new political and social landscape.

In conclusion, the RSS and BJS’s enduring strength in Punjab and Haryana is inextricably linked to the region’s refugee history. The displaced found not only refuge in these organizations but also a sense of belonging and purpose in rebuilding their lives. Through a combination of social service and political advocacy, the RSS and BJS established themselves as central players in post-Partition North India, with a legacy that continues to shape the region today.

[The excerpt reproduced with the permission of the publishers.]