I felt depressed after reading Chanakya’s New Manifesto To Resolve the Crisis Within India.

This isn’t because the book, drawn from Pavan K Varma’s readings of Chanakya’s Arthashastra, tells the truth as it is. It’s because the new manifesto that Varma draws for addressing these cancers will never be achieved. Let me explain.

At the very outset, the author reposes faith that the youth will read — and debate — his manifesto. I wonder where the optimism comes from. For all the hype surrounding them, the youth today hardly read. They also don’t follow through what they might say. Their relationship with the country or even their own parents reminds me of mine with the automatic teller machine (ATM). If cash tumbles out each time a card is swiped, there’s very little else that needs concern. Anger grips only when the ATM isn’t working, and it’s pure hell if the balance is zero. That’s the only time our youth feel wretched — when the ATM isn’t dispensing cash. That’s when they march with candles.

But three days later, the fizz dies down. The revolution is over.

Frustrated and groping for support from a debauched ruling class, don’t the youth who Varma expects to carry forward his manifesto retreat into inane sessions of Barista coffee and postings on Facebook, with both sufficing as national duty?

The case in point isn’t just the Delhi gangrape in the heart of south Delhi. The millions who seem to rebel for a few hours don’t take time to get back to their middle-class existence. Rapes continue.

Isn’t this character of the middle class a subject Varma wrote his most famous book on? Yet, he reposes faith in the youth! Hmm...

Anyhow, enough of impotent pessimism (and further losing my currency with our youth!) Let me share some teasers of what Chanakya’s new manifesto actually contains and then you decide if there’s anyone to implement them.

The author picks up five areas where we’re floundering. He then goes on to state their solutions if Chanakya were to solve them.

Chapter 1, on Governance
After talking about the massive misgovernance we have given to ourselves, Varma (er, Chanakya) offers a manifesto in 57 clauses.

Sample Clause 1.15: “Following elections, pre-identified coalition partners would be compulsorily committed to the declared government agenda for a lock-in period of at least three years.” Clause 1.16 logically states that “during the minimum lock-in period of three years, no coalition partner will be allowed to withdraw support to, or even defect from, the coalition partnership”. Fair points, including the definition of the “declared governance agenda”, which would be a business-like document, substantive yet focused, its purpose being to ensure that political parties eschew irresponsible political rhetoric and follow pragmatic parameters of achievable goals that can begin to be systematically implemented after assuming power.

Chapter 2, on Democracy  
The new manifesto devotes 87 clauses to this subject.

Sample what Chanakya says in Clause 2.11: “The chief election commissioner (CEC) and the comptroller and auditor general must be given powers to scrutinise and monitor all party funds. Currently, political parties merely obtain a certificate from the EC that they have submitted their annual audited statement of accounts. Clause 2.12 therefore adds: The CEC or the enforcement authority it designates should be authorised to issue show-cause notices at any time to any party when there is evidence of expenditures exceeding the known sources of income. Chanakya being Chanakya, a related clause demands that the CEC publicly announce a competition open to all registered infotech companies to device a common online accounting framework leaving as little place as possible for political parties to hide income and expenditure.

Chapter 3, on Corruption  
While the chapter goes into 111 clauses, Chanakya in clause (3.5) states: “Corruption in the funding and expenses of political parties is the fountainhead of much of the corruption in the country. It is a fact that corruption can never be eliminated in the country until substantive reform takes place in this arena.

The first major step in this direction must (therefore) be the passage of effective legislation on electoral reforms.”

Chapter 4, on Security  
There are 58 clauses in this subject.

Here is what Chanakya in clause 4.58 states: “The long-delayed agenda of police reforms must be tackled on a nationwide basis. This would not pose a problem once law and order is on the concurrent list of the constitution. Police reforms (including the protection of honest officers from vengeful politicians) should take place without delay. The supreme court has provided a blueprint of these reforms. The centre should on this basis enact a bill applicable to the country as a whole.”

Chapter 5, on Inclusive Society  
On this, Varma/Chanakya offer their manifesto in 41 clauses.

Clause 5.5 states: Schemes like MGNREGS and the Food Security Bill, seeking to guarantee food handouts and emergency employment, should be restricted to vulnerable, drought prone and famine-afflicted regions as immediate alleviation measures. For this purpose, all the government’s UID-based schemes must first focus on the biometric identification of the poorest in these areas so that necessary succour can reach them through accurately targeted government subsidies. Further, they should try and ensure that most relief should be transferred to its beneficiaries by way of cash transfer which has been shown to reduce corruption.

So, 354 clauses, and a rich and provocative manifesto. My wager is that our effete leadership, elected by a largely illiterate and myopic tribe, will do nothing about most of it except tokenism.

We like to think our tryst with great-power status is a foregone conclusion. We neither need to work hard, nor do we need to look into the mirror.
Amidst such delusion, who cares for Chanakya?