Lokpal Bill's year: The crests and troughs

The fate of the bill and the govt's posturing swung with the people's pressure from outside parliament

rakesh-manchanda

Rakesh Manchanda | January 2, 2012



The third day of parliament's winter session in 2011 finds a place in the annals of governance in India for all the wrong reasons. Despite the Rajya Sabha working overtime, the government's callous handling of the debate on the Lokpal bill in the house was a picture of disarray similar to college students running scared of examinations and results. With no rules being followed, no time management in place, the debate was left to run its own course while the sitting was unceremoniously ended. Messages from the president allowing the house to extend the session were flashed. Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Trinamool Congress, were accused of 'match fixing' by the media. Trinamool, once again, proved that the UPA government hinges on its whims. The former railway minister, who ran the office in-absentia, still makes the Congress dance to her tune, from her chief ministerial residence in Kolkata with no correction in collective governance norms.

RJD member Rajniti Prasad snatched of what has been touted to be a copy of the Lokpal bill from an union minister and tore it before throwing it in the well of the house.The entire drama was beamed into our homes through the newschannels. The floor management was shabby although the government had time to plan for the law-making warriors to lock horns till late after dinner. Law makers brought down the house's dignity with shouting matches, with no respect to rules and laws.Before midnight, it was clear that like Women's Reservation bill this version of the Lokpal bill will be kept in deep freeze in the chilling cold of Delhi. Noise and shouting prowess must be declared as essential ingredient for law making if such ugly scenes continue.In spite of planned 'Halla Bol', however, house did witness some of the best speech-making from the Congress, the BJP and the Left.

The peoples' pressure outside parliament, recognised as Anna factor, seems to have dipped.The flip-flop of our MPs cleared few facts : that the Congress and the UPA at large don't  want the prime minister, the CBI and the corporate under the corruption watchdog. It was also observed that Team Anna has become overconfident and quite dependent on the the media. Federalism was also discussed in the context of how the bill's provisions seek to undermine it. The weakened state of the Anna factor perhaps gave the Congress the courage to table the weak (weak, obviously, as 187 amendments were moved to plug holes) bill and get it passed in a hurry. The parliamentary affairs minister stood with pain at midnight, counting these amendments and recapitulating the house's views. The government has failed to deliver with earnest a potent bill.

Rewind to the first day of the extended session: As the news of the result of voting on Lokpal bill in the Lok Sabha came in, a friend summarised our contemporary politics and netas with the following lines.

"The current chaos reminds of me of a song that Sahir Ludhiyanvi wrote in 1968 for the movie Izzat." Quoting from it:
'Kya miliye aise logon se,
jinki fithrath chhupi rahe.
Nakli chehere saamne aaye,
asli surath chupi rahe."

Politicians must realise that a strong people's pressure is a healthy trait in a democracy. It will help reduce the distance between the people and parliament.This engagement can help evolve better and faster solutions in governance. Unlike the 12-day fast in August, this time Team Anna came up with a six-day plan - three days of fast and three days of jail bharo. Unlike those involved in the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US and the protests in Europe, Team Anna has failed to articulate the responsibility of the corporate for the adverse conditions that 99 percent of the country's population contends with every passing day.

Anna's latest protest was a flop, according to the media. Indians, perhaps, chose their work,daily survival and TV updates instead of actively participating in the movement. Combating corruption, at the time, became limited to media, internet and SMS engagement. Even Anna Hazare had to give up the fast just after one day after doctors warned him of possible kidney damage.

Crowds or no crowds - the law makers and the elected nagar sevaks must keep law making a consultative, transparent and time-bound process. The low people turnout, ironically, proves that people are supreme. In August, Anna scored over the government. In December, the government got away with low cunning encouraged by the low turnout at Mumbai's MMRDA grounds and at Delhi's Ramlila Maidan. What Team Anna needs to analyse and understand is that there is no fixed uniform strategy to get the common man and the middle class to come and participate in the movement.

Of course, at the same time, Congress and UPA-II should realise that they almost got away with a weak bill (the government rejected 181 amendments) because there was no peoples' pressure to intimidate it into sincerity in fighting corruption. Instead of extending the session further, the government killed the bill, pleading a lack of time. But it was more a lack of will, ideas and patience. However, the parting message of the year for the government would be that it should not forget the strength of the August crowd and stay warned.

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